Yesterday, May 22, was arguably the most watched day in the impeachment trial of Chief Justice Renato Corona. The embattled CJ himself took the witness stand and addressed all the accusations hurled against him for the past five months.
In his opening statement, he defended his family’s honor, “debunked” the notion that he had more than 80 bank accounts, and hit the Aquino administration for supposedly “ganging up” on him. He gave in to the Prosecution’s demand of signing a waiver to disclose his dollar accounts, but dared the 188 impeachment complaint signatories and Sen. Franklin Drilon to do the same, in the name of “fighting corruption” and “upholding the truth”.
But then, after his three-hour-long speech, he suddenly got up from the witness stand and walked out of the Senate session hall. It would later be learned that his blood sugar levels went down.
One drama after another unraveled at the Senate. What could have been Corona’s chance for “redemption” might have been gone with the wind by now. He’s like a wrestler making a face (good guy) turn, then said “To hell with this!” and became a heel (bad guy) again the next minute. (I guess CJ Corona sought advice from Vince Russo for his performance.)
Now, he’s quite possibly at the mercy of Senate Presiding Officer Juan Ponce Enrile and the rest of the 22 Senator-judges.
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Not only were the events of Day 40 dramatic, they were also head-scratching. First off, I’m ticked off at how CJ Corona answered accusations against him with accusations of his own against the Aquino administration. It doesn’t make sense. Calling Pres. Aquino and his men unfair is one thing. Calling them unfair and then airing their supposed dirt (without evidence, too) to get back at them is another. By fighting this way, CJ Corona is no different from his accusers. It doesn’t solve anything. It adds fuel to the rumor machine.
And second, can’t the highest lawyer and judge in the land excuse himself properly? Would saying “I’m afraid I’m not feeling well now. May I be excused?” after his long speech take too long? Heck, a soldier won’t do anything in front of his superior until he gets permission to leave and acknowledgment to be dismissed.
Respect begets respect, Chief Justice Corona. You’re in the Senate. It’s their rules you should follow, not your own.
—–
In any court trial, evidence matters. It’s unfortunate (for Corona, at least) if the evidences presented by the Chief Justice would be stricken off by the impeachment court because of what he did. He faced his accusers and attempted to clear his name, but unfortunately his efforts might be rendered useless.
But hey, it’s his fault, and him alone. He brought this into himself. It’s his own doing. He called the shots. Don’t he dare use the nation’s name in this, after this “walk-out” of his.
Last night, over the late-night news broadcast on TV, Dad asked my opinion on Chief Justice Renato Corona’s impeachment trial.
I told him the “innocent until proven guilty” line, that the Prosecution should step up in court (not in the media) to convict Corona. Evidences are starting to pile up against CJ Corona (regarding his SALNs and dollar accounts, and the Basa-Guidote fiasco), and the Defense is doing what they were paid to do. Corona’s conviction depends on the Prosecution’s performance in front of the Senator-judges. If the evidences say CJ Corona’s guilty, then he’s guilty; if not, then he’s not.
Then, Dad made some points of his own. He was for CJ Corona’s conviction. He believes that CJ Corona is a major “obstacle” in President Noynoy Aquino’s tuwid na daan. “How could P-Noy continue his fight against corruption if the head of the judicial system himself is corrupt?”, Dad asked. He mentioned the “big fishes” the Aquino administration has caught: Abalos, the Arroyos, the Ampatuans, among others.
He laid out possible scenarios after Corona’s acquittal. Dad said it would be “payback time” for Corona: many (if not all) of cases involving former President Gloria Arroyo would be dismissed. He even predicted that P-Noy wouldn’t be able to finish his term in 2016.
According to him, he had conversed with a judge many times before. (Dad was a driver, by the way. I didn’t ask if the judge was from a Regional Trial Court, or Dad’s referring to a Supreme Court employee.) Dad and the judge agree that the Senator-judges are just “prolonging the process,” that they’ve already decided on the verdict. Dad even claimed that the judge said most of his colleagues are against Corona but cannot express it in public, because “Corona’s their boss.”
I then countered with the Hacienda Luisita case. If Corona gets convicted, I said, there’s a strong possibility that the vast Hacienda will be returned to the Cojuangcos. The poor farmers, who had just tasted victory late last year with SC’s decision to finally give parcels of land to them, would suffer defeat once again.
Here’s Dad’s response: P-Noy alone cannot decide on the fate of Hacienda Luisita by himself. He has the Aquino family and five other co-owner clans to consult. Besides, Hacienda Luisita is just one issue. What about the Maguindanao massacre in Mindanao? If CJ Corona gets acquitted, there’s a big chance that the Ampatuans will be cleared of any accountability.
~~~~~
I mainly focused on the here and now, Dad focused on the possible aftermath. Neither of us is completely right, but neither of us is completely wrong, too.
Our discussion later boiled down to this: whatever the verdict, we Filipinos won’t gain anything major from it. Lahat tayo, talo, Dad and I both said. Whether Corona wins or the Aquino administration wins, Dad and I see that nothing much will change. Filipinos below the poverty line wouldn’t get any direct benefit from all the chaos brought forth by the trial.
Would Corona’s conviction equate to more food on the tables and more income in the pockets of poor Pinoys? Would Corona’s acquittal mean a better justice system with the same Chief Justice in charge? If ‘Yes’ answers either question, then we stand corrected.
Plus, both sides exhibit conflicts of interest. You can’t deny the Corona-Arroyo connection, but you also can’t miss the Aquino-Cojuangco connection. Corona’s acquittal would benefit the Arroyos in one way or another, but Corona’s conviction would benefit the Aquinos, the Cojuangcos, and their allies, too, in one way or another.
~~~~~
Dad tried to argue that the ongoing impeachment trial is a “testament” to the long-standing Filipino issue on the justice system, that the ones who are rich and powerful win court cases every time, at the expense of the liberty of possibly innocent poor Filipinos. Of course, Dad’s argument is not applicable to the impeachment trial itself, because both sides are rich and powerful.
Pantay ang laban, kasi pare-pareho silang may pera eh. Which brings us to our second realization: that the impeachment trial is a battle only among the heads of two branches of government taking place in the arena of Branch #3 (the Senate). Its results will affect all of us, but not in any way are the Filipino people directly involved in handing the verdict to CJ Corona. We “pass” that responsibility to the Senate.
The impeachment process is a highly political one: the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court are given security of tenure, and can only be removed via impeachment, resignation or untimely death. So, when one Supreme Court judge break the law and uses the same law to get away with punishment, the government (in the name of public interest) has no other choices but to impeach said judge or force him to resign. Thus, the Aquino government’s recent actions. We can’t blame them; they have a mandate to meet.
~~~~~
So, if we’re all “losers” here, what should we do? A better question might be “What should CJ Corona do?”
If CJ Corona believes he’s really innocent, he’ll take the most valiant action: he himself will testify on the witness stand in the impeachment court as early as possible. If he can’t stand the fact that the Supreme Court is taking all the hits, he should resign or at least take a leave of absence.
But, if CJ Corona does this and/or if Corona gets convicted and removed from his post, it does not warrant the Aquino administration to do what it wishes.
In the name of independence and integrity of the Supreme Court, the Associate Justices should vote among themselves as to who would be the next Chief Justice. In my opinion, Presidents should not appoint the Chief Justice. He could appoint the Associate Justices, yes, but his “interference” ends there.
In the same way Supreme Court justices do not determine the fate of the President (except during impeachment or in Pres. Arroyo’s case, when one party questions the President’s legitimacy or qualifications), the President should not determine the next Chief Justice. In the same way the Filipino public alone elects the President, the Associate Justices alone should elect the next Chief Justice.
If this isn’t “acceptable”, we could give more power the Judicial and Bar Council. We could allow it to be made independent, and the sole appointing power of Associate Justices and Chief Justices. With this suggestion, more members should be added; the number of representatives from Senate and the House of Representatives should be equal to the number of delegates from the public sector and the legal community.
~~~~~
If only we could turn back time, we should have convinced Reynato Puno to temporarily call off his retirement, and be the Chief Justice until days after the inauguration of the new President, Benigno Aquino III. Puno’s May 12, 2011 retirement is the most “ill-timed” one in Philippine history. We could have avoided all of these troubles, had CJ Puno stayed for a little while.
From February 21 to 25, we commemorate the 26th anniversary of an event that is so unique and unprecedented, it spawned numerous ones like it around the world. We Filipinos peacefully toppled a two-decade dictatorship, and re-installed democracy in the Philippines.
But, as we all look back to this historic moment, some questions need to be asked: Have we reaped the benefits of the 1986 People Power Revolution? Or the adage “the more things change, the more they stay the same” holds true?
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I grew up reading in textbooks, and later being told by the media, that the events of ’86 were important turning points in our country’s history. We were taught that the Martial Law period was a turbulent time. Many people, guilty and innocent, were arrested and charged of crimes. We heard stories of curfews, communist attacks, Marcos cronies, and the lavish lifestyle of Imelda Marcos.
Later on, as my interest in alternative history grew, so did my collection of anecdotes and opinions on the Marcoses and the ’86 EDSA Revolution. I found out that not all Filipinos approved of the dictator’s ouster. Adults and friends of mine who lived during the 70s and 80s say that Ferdinand Marcos was a good president. They say that his imposition of Martial Law was just, to discipline the unruly communist rebels. To some, it was more peaceful during Martial Law, for they were afraid to break the law.
When Ninoy Aquino surfaced and presented himself as a major threat to Marcos, the President went on the defensive. Ninoy’s arrest, exile, return and assassination are well-documented. Three years after Ninoy was gunned down at the tarmac of the airport later named after him, and days after a hotly-contested snap election, close to three million Filipinos trooped to EDSA to protest years of pent-up frustration and “anger” under the rule of Marcos. Most of the nation’s military men, once following the President’s orders during Martial Law, turned on the strongman and defected to the people’s side. The rest is history.
—–
My main beef on the Revolution of ’86 is that 26 years later, it seems that only a few things have changed. Yes, democracy was restored, but it was abused by almost the same persons who played major roles in the revolution. Add to that the fact that the same personalities get elected by the populace, who should have been more responsible this time, for fear of repeating the “horrors” of the Marcos regime.
It seems to me that after we won a hard-fought battle for freedom, we left our prized trophy behind, allowing the wrong set of people to “take home the prize”. From the looks of it, these people have a very strong grip on our trophy (freedom) that we’ll find it hard to win it back. During the struggle to regain the prize, the trophy will sustain damages. When we get to finally win it back, it will not be the same trophy as we originally won.
—–
We look to Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies as the bad guys, and Ninoy and Cory Aquino as the good ones, but we do not include ourselves in the dichotomy. Have we been good or bad Filipinos years after the Revolution? Where was our active participation on nation-building afterwards?
Nation-building is a collective effort by a nation’s populace. Look at the Commonwealth Era during the 1930s: every Filipino dreamed of attaining full independence from the Americans. They preferred a country “run like hell by Filipinos,” not a country “run like heaven by Americans.”
Our goal in 1986, it seems to me, was only to remove Marcos from office and install the martyr Ninoy Aquino’s widow, Cory Aquino, as President. After that, we brought our feet back to our homes, and came back to EDSA each year only to celebrate the fact that together, we once did something great. We allowed the system to be toyed around with by people with vested interests. The same people tasked to bring back power to the people kept that same power to themselves.
—–
We fought as a large, united group of Filipinos in 1986, but we dreamed individually. We all thought that after Marcos steps down from office, all will be back to normal (presumably to the Philippines during the 1960s), that we would live good lives again. Instead, we forgot to dream as one nation, and left that job to a select group of people who suddenly became power-hungry. It has even come to the point that we ourselves look at each other with suspicion and cynicism. (The huge divide between the rich and the poor is an example.)
We Filipinos need to realize that nation-building is a day-to-day effort. We don’t remember the EDSA Revolution only on February 25. We have to remember always the real essence of People Power: we Filipinos uniting as one for a cause, for a common good.
We can forget Ninoy or Cory or Ramos or Enrile, or any other prominent personality during the revolution. We are the real heroes of People Power. That’s why it’s named after us.
Our actions, our motives, our goals should be one and the same: the eradication of poverty, the enforcement of responsible freedom, and the constant check-and-balance amongst ourselves as the country’s stakeholders. We must act together, think together, stand together.
Clearly, there’s something wrong in the system. Something’s not working. We as a nation should determine what those are, and work as one to change for the better, before it’s too late.
—–
“All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”
I set off for work earlier, catching a glimpse of today’s headlines on the newsstands. Here’s what was screaming on Philippine Daily Inquirer‘s cover page: ‘Corona’s penthouse bared’.
My initial reaction was, “What the hell? Pati ba naman penthouse ni CJ Corona, pinagdidiskitahan? Lahat ba ng mahal na kayang bilhin ng mga government officials, anomalous na? ‘Di ba pwedeng pinag-ipunan muna para mabili? Laki kaya ng sweldo nila. Look at the timing, too. Kung kailan ma-i-impeach si Corona, saka lang lalabas ‘yan para madiin siya lalo?“
I am defending Supreme Court Chief Justice Renato Corona to an extent here because his “public persecution” and the “swift” chain of events leading to his impeachment is somwehat unfair to him. It’s somehow ironic that the government intends to “correct” the justice system by targeting the head of the judicial branch himself, and then air his supposed “dirty linens” in public outside of formal impeachment proceedings. Isn’t that meddling with the “wheels of justice,” making a mockery of the system?
Such is the “drama” here in the Philippines. Soap operas on mainstream TV become true-to-life; the leading actors are the politicians themselves. Erap’s impeachment trial, Gloria’s ongoing persecution, Noynoy Aquino vs Renato Corona, Jojo Binay vs Mar Roxas: the list goes on and on. And all the while, the nation gets dragged into the drama, and its progress stays on the sidelines, brought into the spotlight from time to time by these politicians only when they can make use of it.
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When I got to the office, I read the headline’s details: that the penthouse might not be declared in CJ Corona’s SALN (it was transferred to Corona and his wife only in January 2010) – a supposed evidence for graft. A valid argument indeed, but the timing of the announcement is somewhat fishy.
Iloilo Rep. Niel Tupas even declared that the prosecution team has got more “aces” versus Corona. Now, Tupas is asking what’s wrong with disclosing evidences to the public, who deserves to know the truth. Well, Rep. Tupas, the public will get that chance during the impeachment proceedings. Can’t it wait? What you are doing is the classic “jumping the gun” approach: publicize the evidences to win the public’s sympathy. When things don’t go the prosecution’s way, they’ll have a “supportive, misguided” public to turn to.
It’s my main complaint here in the Philippines: the courts are disregarded, deemed as “untrustworthy”. All cases involving politicians are brought into the “people’s court”. It’s not that I belittle the public’s intelligence; it’s just that these politicians twist the story in their favor most of the time. They utilize the media (and social media) to spread their agenda. The merits of the cases are pushed aside in favor of their own side, enveloped in appeals for pity and support.
How can we have an effective justice system if we have already called a person guilty of a crime before examining the evidences against him? Isn’t that unfair? It’s not Rep. Tupas’s, the Aquino administration’s, or even the public’s job to interpret the law or mete out punishments; it’s the courts’ job. The judges are beholden to the law agreed upon by the legislature and by the people. The courts weigh the merits of the cases, and prevent themselves from heeding to the wishes of the majority of the populace, which may be swayed by persons with vested interest. Fifty percent plus one is a majority already, and their opinion is not always the same as whole populace.
It brings into mind one person who is brutally put to death, as per the wishes of an angry mob, for a ridiculous crime he did not commit. An innocent Jesus Christ was nailed to the cross two millenia ago, yet it seems we’re not learning our lessons. Let’s wait for the courts to tell whether Chief Justice Renato Corona is innocent or not. Let’s follow the proceedings. Let’s point out what might be wrong in the process, not the situations of the persons involved. Actions, not emotions. Rules, not assumptions.
~~~~~
If we worry about judges (or in the case of Corona’s impeachment, Senators) being bribed, the truth will come out eventually. They’ll receive their punishment in due time. It’s important that the public is informed regularly by a trusted source which sticks to the merits of the case and filters out unnecessary drama. An impartial court, an independent media, and an intelligent populace: the three I’s of a fair justice system.
Sadly, the majority rule also applies in courts, especially in the Supreme Court. For now, I put my trust on the Senate, which seems to be fair and non-partisan. The Senate has 23 members, as compared to the SC’s 15.
~~~~~
To end, here’s a statement by Sen. Panfilo Lacson, who is apparently fed up with this unjust system the same way as I do.
“As a senator judge, I cannot sit idly by and watch blatant violations of our Rules of Procedure on Impeachment Trials that unambiguously prohibits senator judges as well as prosecutors, the person impeached, their counsels, and witnesses from making any comments and disclosures in public pertaining to the merits of a pending impeachment trial. If we allow such undisciplined public presentation of evidence by any party in utter disregard of the ethics of their legal profession to continue, the Senate may lose control of the situation and I am certain it will damage not just the Senate as an impeachment court but the sacredness of the whole impeachment process as well.”
- Sen. Panfilo Lacson
~~~~~
The above image is retrieved from the Philippine Daily Inquirer‘s e-paper site at PressDisplay.com.
It all started with a “pinched nerve”.
Over time, it got worse, prompting doctors to recommend spinal surgery. This raised the possibility of Rep. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, sued by different groups for numerous anomalies during her nine-year term as President, going abroad to seek treatment. It was widely perceived as another “Arroyo tactic” to evade prosecution (if not criminal liability).
Chaos ensued as Arroyo and her husband Mike hurried to the airport, but was stopped by Immigration authorities. Just hours ago before this incident, the Supreme Court prevented the Department of Justice from enforcing watch list orders on the Arroyos. Legal terminologies later were aplenty, as both the Arroyos and the Aquino administration went back and forth in defending their actions.
Then, DOJ and COMELEC charged Arroyo with electoral sabotage, in relation with allegations of cheating during the 2004 and 2007 elections. Currently, Arroyo is on hospital arrest in St. Luke’s Medical Center, Taguig City.
A Pasay Regional Trial Court ordered her transfer to Veterans Memorial Medical Center, a government hospital. But not before Arroyo’s spokesperson, Elena Bautista-Horn revealed a bombshell: that a certain “Put The Little Girl to Sleep” operation allegedly by the Aquino administration is underway, with the “Little Girl” interpreted as Gloria Arroyo herself.
~~~~~
This tweet of mine pretty sums up my reaction to all news related to Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo:
If you’re guilty, you’re guilty. If not, [then] you’re not. The courts decide on that, so please let them.
Both the Arroyos and the Aquino administration have their own agenda. Lots of drama will unfold, but still, nobody will budge. That’s why we have the courts to settle things once and for all. Despite having 12 Associate Justices appointed by Arroyo, the Supreme Court tries its best to be impartial. The judicial branch is the sole interpreter of laws, and I think we have to respect that.
The Arroyos can crop up all “excuses” in the world, but the fact remains that she has cases filed against her. Sooner or later, she has to face all that. She has to tell the court everything she knows, or at least her involvement in high-profile anomalies while she was President.
Whether the Aquino administration is right or wrong in its recent actions, time will tell. Lots of questions need answers. Most importantly, this one: how on earth did these anomalies happen under Arroyo’s watch?
I believe the government’s way to uncover the truth is keeping Arroyo here in the country and making her “face the music.” If they have allowed Arroyo to seek treatment abroad, who knows how long she will stay there, and how long will cases against her remain pending here.
Garcillano, Bedol, Ampatuan, de Venecia, Abalos, and others have already told their story. Now, it’s Arroyo’s turn. Until she confesses, more “uncomfortable” things will happen (to her, at least). The government will not stop in its pursuit of justice and closure, as long as Arroyo keeps her mouth sealed.
GMA’s Howie Severino couldn’t have said it any better. In a GMA News special report featuring the Revilla family tree, Severino said,
The Philippines’ peculiar brand of moral conservatism has so far stopped efforts to promote reproductive health or legalize divorce, abortion or gay marriage.
But it didn’t stop voters from electing a proud ladies’ man like [Ramon Revilla, Sr.] to two consecutive terms in the Senate.
Neither did church teachings have much effort on voters when they elected to the presidency by a landslide another multiple-family man by the name of Joseph Estrada.
We started 2011 with heated debates on RH Bill and divorce. We end 2011 with a gruesome family affair involving the children of a former Senator, who had sired at least 72 kids with 14 different women. What’s with us, guys?
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“Fun” fact: In 1992, six years after the 1986 EDSA Revolution, an actor was elected Vice President (then Sen. Joseph Estrada) and two actors topped the Senatorial elections (then Quezon City Vice Mayor Vicente Sotto III and Ramon Revilla, Sr.).
Placing 3rd to 12th, after Sotto and Revilla, were eight re-electionist Senators and two Representatives – all with six-year terms. The next twelve (with three-year terms) were a former Vice President (Arturo Tolentino), a DTI Undersecretary (Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo), six re-electionist Senators, three Representatives and a former AFP Chief of Staff (Rodolfo Biazon).
Yup, two actors received more votes than 22 men and women with more experience in national government for seats in the Senate, considered as “training ground” for the next leaders of the land.
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The first-ever actor elected to a national position was Rogelio de la Rosa, who became Senator in 1957. In that same year, basketball player Ambrosio Padilla was also elected Senator. Both were candidates of the Liberal Party, and the only two LP candidates elected to Senate at the time. It should be noted that LP at the time has not won a Senate seat since 1951.
Their wins set a precedent for actors to step out of the entertainment limelight and into the political arena.
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The way I see it, it seemed that the Filipinos of 1986 lost faith on their politicians. They may have driven Marcos out of the country through a four-day peaceful street protest in EDSA, but his allies in politics remained. What should have been a period of “starting over” and improving the country’s post-Martial Law conditions became a period of coups, black-outs, and non-cooperation by Marcos allies and supporters under the Aquino administration.
So the public at the time pinned their hopes of a better Philippines on the next most plausible “harmless, righteous” people: the “heroes” they see on TV shows and films. Actors who portrayed these “heroes” (game show hosts included) have minimal to no exposure on national politics, so they can’t do anything wrong, right? Besides, their characters on TV are for justice, peace and rule of law, right? Right?
—–
Actors who have no political experience whatsoever, or haven’t held a local elective post, have no place in national government. Quite frankly, legislation and the Presidency are serious business.
Anyone, even actors, can run for local positions because their constituency is small. They can govern local units effectively because the problems are, well, local.
But not anybody can hold a national position effectively, for there are lots of factors to consider in making national decisions. Problems abound in every area, and persons who have little managerial know-how (actors included) may not handle the pressure. This is why having a previous experience in local government or in the corporate world is key.
—–
If you’re an actor elected to a national position, and you did have a prior local government or corporate background, your worries are not yet over. You still have your image – or more specifically, your past “actor life” – to take care of.
I still wonder why the generation before me voted for people like Ramon Revilla Sr. and Joseph Estrada and passively accepted their affairs with other women. We value family as precious, right? But why do most of us get disgusted on extra-marital affairs, yet deem as okay actors having kids with lots of different women, then elect them later when they enter politics? Weird.
In the aftermath of the Buendia Bus Bombing, bus drivers have filed a petition to DOTC, requesting the agency to install security cameras inside all passenger buses in Metro Manila. MMDA even supports this initiative. (This is what I heard on TV Patrol World, when I wrote this entry.)
It’s about time we install security cameras inside buses, because the incident near the Buendia MRT station isn’t the first of its kind. However, don’t you think it’s inefficient to install cameras in each and every bus driving along EDSA? Given that there are so many buses driving in EDSA alone, exactly how many security cameras should be bought? Where and how would the videos captured by each of the security cameras be stored? There are even no security cameras inside MRT trains, and arguably in airplanes while in flight. (Planes only have black boxes to record flight conditions.)
I’m not saying that the initiative can’t be done, or is not good, or even far-fetched. For me, it’s just that there are too many buses in EDSA. The MMDA even struggles up to this day to control its number in EDSA at any given day, with the implementation of the color-coding scheme. In short, the initiative raises more questions than offering solid solutions.
~~~~~
So, here’s what I think. It’s been in my mind for the past year, and maybe it’s time that I suggest it. Why not centralize the EDSA bus system, likening it to the MRT-LRT system, and the bus system of Seoul, South Korea?
So how will a centralized EDSA bus system look like?
The only problems I see here (so far) are (1) exactly how many buses, and what will happen to the buses which will not be used, (2) what will happen to that bus companies, and how many buses from each company will be used in the CEB system (if they are even willing to), and (3) what will happen to the many drivers and conductors which will lose their livelihood.
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Now, how would the CEB System help in preventing future bus bombings?
Just like in the MRT, passengers would be inspected first by MMDA personnel before entering the bus. Of course, it would be done in the stations. No inspection, no entry.
With fewer buses, installing security cameras would now be efficient. With fewer security cameras, storing the videos captured by each camera is manageable.
The CEB System also lessens the traffic in EDSA, by opening one more lane to private cars.
What do you think, guys?
~~~~~
Now, if the government still pushes for the installation of security cameras in every bus in the Metro:
As an IT guy, I can’t imagine how the concerned agencies would store large amounts of video, let alone monitor each bus. So maybe, I suggest that videos be stored onboard the bus in a hard drive (preferably a solid state drive, because the bus will “shake” on the road), and its videos replenished only every 30 or 60 days. Or maybe a solution like how a plane’s blackbox stores info.
Of course, accidents in buses don’t happen everyday, but pickpocketing modus operandi do. So, the replenishment period may not be a problem. In cases of explosion, the drive might be damaged, so maybe the drive could be stored in a steel case near the driver’s seat.
Do you have a better suggestion to the government, before it approves the security cameras initiative?
Unang-una, hindi palpak ang naganap na Barangay at SK Elections noong October 25. Oo, na-postpone ang eleksyon sa humigit-kumulang 5,400 na barangay sa buong bansa. Oo, nagkaroon ng maraming aberya. Pero unfair na isisi sa COMELEC ang lahat at bansagang palpak ang COMELEC at ang Barangay Elections.
We have to understand that COMELEC made a lot of effort in making this election work. Dahil hindi siya automated (dahil napaka-impraktikal nito, sa dami ng barangay sa Pilipinas), nakita nating muli ang mga dilaw na ballot boxes. Kaya, makakapandaya ulit ang mga walang-hiya. Doon sila sanay, eh.
Hindi naman mako-kontrol ng COMELEC ang lahat ng tao’t kandidato. Nandoon sila para siguruhing maisasagawa natin ang karapatan nating bumoto, pati na rin maprotektahan ang “sanctity of the ballot”.
Ang dapat nating sisihin ay ang mga kandidatong mandaraya, mga opisyal na kaban ng bayan lang naman ang habol. Pati na rin ang mga taong “nabayaran” para tulungan silang manalo. Isama na rin natin dito ang mga kriminal na uma-ambush at pumapatay sa mga nanalong kandidato.
Paano tayo aahon bilang isang bansa, kung sa barangay pa lang ay magulo na? Paano natin maaayos ang sistema, kung sa barangay pa lang eh marami nang tiwali?
Sana, sa mga susunod na barangay elections, mas maging pulido ang proseso ng botohan. Mapanatili itong partial at non-partisan, para makapili nang mabuti ang komunidad ng mga susunod nilang lider. Maka-isip din sana ang COMELEC ng isang efficient at cheating-proof na election system. Panahon na siguro para iretiro ang mga yellow ballot boxes, dahil tila sinisimbulo nito ang mga nagaganap na dayaan tuwing eleksyon.
Pabor din akong buwagin na ang Sangguniang Kabataan, at magkaroon na lamang ng isang Youth Representative sa bawat barangay. That way, mas mararamdaman nating may kabataang lider sa barangay, dahil mako-compel siyang maging aktibo sa komunidad. Ikumpara mo naman sa pito o walong SK Kagawads na karamihan eh naghahantay lang ng gagawin.
~~~
As for my experience, mabilis naman kaming nakaboto nong October 25. Kasi 7:00 pa lang, nakapila na kami. Thirtyminutes later, tapos na kaming buong pamilya. Si Papa nga, pinili munang bumoto bago siya dumeretso sa kanyang arkila sa Banaue, Ifugao. (Driver ang aking Tatay.)
Matindi kasi ang labanan sa pagka-kapitan sa aming barangay: walo silang kumandidato, kabilang ang # three-term naming outgoing barangay captain, # ang kanyang kapatid, # isang commentator sa aming simbahan, at ang # aming kapitbahay na doktora na dating kagawad.
Tapos, naging outside watcher kami ni Mama hanggang sa katapusan ng botohan, noong 3PM. Doon kami nakarinig ng usap-usapang nagka-dayaan na raw. Ito ang ilan sa mga narinig ko:
How was your barangay elections experience? Bumoto ka ba? Natanggal na ba ang indelible ink sa kanang hintuturo mo? (Hindi pa rin kasi sa akin eh…)
[Second of two parts]
These events have happened in the past, but it seems that we still don’t get the lessons from each one. “Kasi, nangyari na eh. Ganito pa rin naman ang sitwasyon natin, kahit anong gawin natin.” Habang nawawalan tayo ng tiwala sa ating mga sarili at sa pag-asa ng Pilipinas na umunlad, eh talagang walang mangyayari sa atin.
Karamihan sa atin, naghahangad na mapaganda ang buhay nila, pero wala namang ginagawa para sa sarili nila. Reklamo nang reklamo, pero pati pala sila ginagawa ang problemang inirereklamo nila. Palaging umaasa sa gobyerno, to the point na kapag wala nang maibigay sa kanila, magsisisigaw sila na wala raw ginawa ang gobyerno para sa kanila.
Karamihan sa atin, tila kuntento na sa buhay nila, at maghahantay na lang ng swerte o ng isang “tagapagligtas”, na “nakikita” naman nila sa isang huwad na pulitiko o isang mahanging artista.
Karamihan sa atin, hindi sumusunod sa batas dahil pati mga opisyal ng gobyerno na gumagawa ng batas, mga pulis na nagpapatupad nito at mga huradong nag-i-interpret nito, nilalabag ang batas.
Karamihan sa mga mayayaman, nandidiri sa mga mahihirap. Imbes na tulungan, minamaliit pa. Karamihan naman sa mga inaapi, gustong maging mayaman para makaalis sa sitwasyon nila, tapos makakalimot sa kanilang pinanggalingan.
Parang sinasabuhay ng karamihan sa atin ang mga telenovela sa TV. Tsk, tsk, tsk.
~~~~~~~
Para sa akin, hindi lang graft and corruption ang ating pinakamahigpit na kalaban.
Ang pinakamatindi nating kaaway: tayo mismo. Our national attitude, to be precise.
Simula nang nagbabasa ako ng dyaryo at naging aware sa sitwasyon ng ating bansa, laging personal na interes ng iilan at ng mga makapangyarihan ang nananaig. At hinahayaan naman ng karamihan sa ating mangyari ito, sa pamamagitan ng pagboto mismo sa mga huwad na pulitiko kapag eleksyon. Ang mga pulitiko naman, magagaling sa pagpapa-ikot ng batas para lagi itong nakapanig sa kanila.
Matindi ang “mine-mine-mine” attitude dito sa Pilipinas. “Kapag may biyaya, dapat meron ka. Kapag hindi ka nabigyan, sasabihin mong madaya, kahit na mas kailangan ito ng iba.”
Matindi rin ang pagiging sikat dito sa Pilipinas! Talo pa ang sikat ng araw! Akala mo kung sino nang umasta. Ang yaman-yaman na nga, nagpapayaman pa! At kailangan nating malaman ang bawat kilos at problema nila, na parang isang papansing bata. Guaranteed na daw ang pera kapag sikat ka, kaya go! Kahit na baluktot na ang ugali ng ilan, patuloy namang nahuhumaling ang karamihan sa atin sa kanila.
Maski mga simpleng batas, hindi magawang sundin ng karamihan sa atin. “BAWAL UMIHI DITO” pero sige lang, ihi! “NO SMOKING IN THIS AREA”, pero sige lang sa paninigarilyo! Pati mga benepisyo sa mga matatanda’t disabled, nagagawang makuha ng mga hindi naman dapat makakuha. Kapwa tayo nagdadayaan, at gobyerno lang ang ating sisisihin.
Wala rin tayong sense of nationalism. Flag ceremony, singing of the national anthem, pero tuloy pa rin ang daldalan. Ang kanang kamay, wala sa dibdib; may hawak kasing cellphone. Nahihiyang kumanta ng “Lupang Hinirang”, kasi hindi rin naman kumakanta ang ibang tao. Para sa karamihan sa atin, patay na sina Rizal, Bonifacio, Mabini, del Pilar, Quezon, Magsaysay, at Aquino. Wala naman silang magagawa sa sitwasyon nila ngayon. Ah, so yung mga ipinaglaban nila hanggang sa kamatayan nila, mauuwi na lang sa wala? Kung wala sila, walang Pilipinas!
Teka, iniisip pa ba natin ang bansa, o puro sarili na lang natin? Sino ba naman ang mokong na magpapa-picture sa harap ng bus na pinangyarihan ng Manila hostage crisis? At nakangiti pa, ha! AT MGA PULIS PA! Kapal talaga!
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As a nation, we need to change our attitude. Plain and simple.
Huwag nating hahayaang makompromiso ang ating pambansang interes ng mga ganid at makasarili.
Magtulungan tayo, imbes na maging makasarili’t maghilaan pababa. Wala tayo sa isang teleserye, nasa totoong mundo tayo.
Mag-isip tayo ng mga solusyon na aayon at susunod sa mga batas, at magbibigay-halaga sa social justice. Huwag tayong maging parte ng problema at magdagdag pa sa napakaraming pasakit ng ating bansa. Mag-focus tayo sa paglutas, hindi sa pagpapahaba ng proseso. The longer things drag on, the more people (lalo na tayong mga Pinoy) would get bored of it.
Tama na ang short-term thinking at short-term solutions. As a nation, saan ba natin gusto pumunta? ‘Pag nalaman natin ang sagot, itanim natin ito sa ating mga utak, at lagi nating isapuso.
Tama na rin ang pag-depende sa gobyerno. Tama na ang pagdepende sa isang “tagapagligtas”.
Panahon na para magtiwala tayo sa ating mga sarili, at sa kakayahan natin bilang isang bansa. We’re still an agricultural country. Filipinos have a high literacy rate. We have many talented, skilled people amongst ourselves. Sikapin nating mapunta sa Pilipinas — at mapunta mismo sa atin — ang ating mga pinaghihirapan. Tama na muna ang pag-export ng mga mahahalaga sa atin at kailangan natin, tulad ng mga kakayahan ng mga OFW’s, nurses at teachers. Tama na muna ang pag-i-import ng mga bagay na kaya naman nating i-produce dito sa bansa.
Suportahan natin ang mga nagtatagumpay sa ibang bansa, hindi ‘yung magdududa pa tayo sa kakayahan nila.
Matagal nang sinasabi sa ating dapat magsimula ang pagbabago sa ating mga sarili. Lahat ng 15 Pangulo ng bansa, ito lang ang hiningi mula sa atin sa kanilang inaugural speeches. Bakit kaya hindi natin magawa?
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And finally, let’s learn from our mistakes and repair our tainted national identity. Payag ba tayong makikilala ang Pilipinas sa corruption, poor governance at indolence? Bibisita ba ang mga dayuhan sa isang bansang hindi magbibigay ng sapat na proteksyon sa kanila?
Habang nagtatagumpay ang mga OFW’s at iilang personalidad sa ibayong dagat, nandito tayo sa sarili nating bakuran, nagdurusa, nagtitiis sa kalunus-lunos nating sitwasyon.
It’s now time to get our acts together. Panahon na para mag-isip naman ang bawat Pilipino para sa kapakanan ng bansa. No more excuses, dahil ubos na ang lahat ng palusot, gamit na gamit na. It’s time for serious actions. It’s time for concrete solutions.
Dahil sa kabila ng lahat ng nangyari sa bansa, naniniwala ako (at maniniwala ako hanggang sa kamatayan ko) na ang bansang ito ay may pag-asa pa.
Tandaan na lang natin: with freedom comes responsibility.
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Commonwealth Era. The 1950′s and 1960′s. Let’s make a third Golden Era in Philippine history possible.
We can do this! This country can be great again, I’m sure of that!
[First of two parts]
First off, let’s not forget that despite what happened these past few weeks — the Manila Hostage Crisis, Venus Raj’s “major major” flub, cases of police brutality, bus accidents, Willie Revillame — may mga Pinoy pa ring hindi sumusuko sa Pilipinas. Mga Pilipinong naniniwala pa ring may pag-asa pa ang bansa. Na sa kabila ng lahat ng ito, we’ll show to the world yet again our amazing resiliency, like we have done in the past.
Frustrated lang ako ngayon kasi our country’s situation has been the same for the past five decades. Fifty years, man! Kailan tayo kikilos bilang isa? Hanggang kailan tayo maghahantay?
Hindi pa tayo napapagod kakahantay? Kapag late nga mga date natin, naiinis tayo agad. Pero ‘pag ang pag-unlad ng Pilipinas, di pa rin dumarating, parang wala lang sa atin. Why does our country’s progress need to take a backseat every time?
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Let’s have a little history lesson, shall we?
We were under Spain for more than 300 years. May mga lumaban, pero maliliit na grupo lang. Nagpadala sa takot ang karamihan, at sinabi na lang sa sariling makuntento sa kung anong buhay meron sila. So, kailangan muna talagang mamatay ni Rizal bago tayo mag-organisa ng isang malawakang giyera laban sa mga Espanyol?
Oo, mula 1899 hanggang 1935, hinanda at sinanay tayo ng Amerika para sa isang Commonwealth Government. Pero huwag nating kalimutan: pumayag ang mga Amerikano sa isang “Mock Battle” sa Maynila para kunwari, sumuko ang mga Espanyol sa kanila. Pero, planado ang lahat ng ito, at nauwi sa pagbebenta ng Pilipinas sa Amerika sa pamamagitan ng Treaty of Paris. Sa’n ka naman nakakita ng isang bansang “binebenta”?
Noong Battle of Corregidor, umasa ang mga sundalong Pinoy at Amerikano sa reinforcements mula sa mainland USA, habang ang isla’y patuloy na binobomba ng mga Hapon. Pero walang dumating. Sinakop tayo ng mga Hapones nang halos tatlong taon. And all the while, we played Japan’s games and waited for America’s help.
(Siguro, aatras ako dito nang kaunti sa punto ko kasi nga naman World War II. Matagal itong pinagplanuhan ng Japan, at walang nagawa ang Amerika dahil maski sila, nagulat — Pearl Harbor pa lang eh. But still, natapos ang lahat ng major efforts natin sa Death March; ang HUKBALAHAP, hindi masyadong ginawan ng paraan para palakasin ang hanay nila. Plus, late 1930′s pa lang, may mga senyales na ng Japanese invasion, pero hindi natin pinansin.)
From 1972 to 1981, the Philippines was under Martial Law. Which is funny, kasi ang “sumakop” sa buong bansa, si Marcos at ang kanyang mga cronies, karamihan ay mga Pinoy din. Same question goes here: so, kailangan munang mamatay ni Ninoy, maghantay nang tatlong taon, at magalit sa resulta ng isang snap election, bago tayo mag-organisa ng People Power?
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Huwag niyo naman sana muna akong husgahan. Our country had its great moments, and I can name two: during the Commonwealth Era (1935 – 41) and the first two decades after World War II (1950′s and 1960′s).
The foundations of our current government structure were built before 1935, and were strengthened during the Commonwealth years. We held our first-ever nationwide Presidential election, with Manuel L. Quezon winning. Tayo mismo ang nagpapatakbo sa bansa, dahil tayo ang mas nakakaalam sa ating sitwasyon.
Pagkatapos naman ng World War II, mabilis tayong nakabawi mula sa delubyong iniwan ng giyera. Nakipagsabayan ang ating ekonomiya sa Japan at Korea, kahit na naging magulo at maingay ang pulitika, at namatay sina Presidente Roxas at Magsaysay. The Philippines actually became the #2 economy in Far East Asia (behind only Japan) during the 1960′s, and thus was seen as a very promising country.
That is, until Martial Law and Marcos’s “New Society” idea came.
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Tapos, since People Power, ano nang nangyari?
We actually ousted President Estrada through another EDSA People Power, three years after giving him a landslide victory in the 1998 elections.
Then, we re-elected the country’s second woman President (and/or were eager to elect an actor without any political experience) in 2004, despite her saying in December 2002 that she will not run for President anymore.
Sa pagkapanalo ni Mrs. Arroyo, we actually allowed her to stay in power for nine years, the second-longest Presidential tenure next to Marcos’s 21-year reign, and the same length of time when the Philippines was under Martial Law. Despite numerous impeachment attempts, she stayed in power because of giving favors to her allies, so that she’ll be in the winning end of a “numbers game” in Congress.
During her Presidency, numerous scandals were exposed, but were never solved with finality. Typhoons and other disasters wreaked havoc in the country, and we consistently suffer big-time in the aftermath of each one. And arguably the grimmest massacre in post-War history took place during her administration, and were perpetrated by a political clan, members of which are among Arroyo’s staunchest allies.
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Inis na inis pa rin ako sa mga inasal nating lahat noong Manila hostage crisis.
Ang mga pulis, parang nahiya pang tapusin ang isang hostage crisis, kahit na may mga pagkakataon silang gawin ito. Walang handang magsakripisyo ng buhay para kalabanin ang iisang hostage taker. Walang nangangahas na maging bayani. Kapag nagtagumpay ang operasyon, credit grabbing agad ang mga heneral at pulitiko, para mabango ang pangalan nila sa susunod na eleksyon. (Here’s looking at you, Mayor Lim!)
Sa tingin ko, hindi naman sapat na dahilang walang sapat na equipment ang pulis. Sa tinagal-tagal na meron kayo niyang mga gamit na iyan, hindi ba kayo nakaisip ng paraan para magamit ang mga iyan to its fullest? So, kailangang hantayin ang gobyerno?
Ang media, sa pagtupad sa kanilang sinumpaang trabaho, eh mas nakatulong pa mismo sa hostage taker. Ayaw naman nilang aminin — todo-tanggi at laging nasa “defensive mode”. Unahan pa nga sila sa best angles at blow-by-blow coverage. So, business, ratings at pera dapat palagi ang dapat mauna?
At hindi ba pwedeng ang mga pulis na lang ang mag-imbestiga? Kailangan ba laging mag-probe ang Senado at Kongreso, complete with LIVE media coverage? Kailangan ba laging may grandstanding? Kailangan bang laging mauna ang pagpapasikat bago ang paglutas sa kaso?
Habang tayo naman, pinanood ang buong hostage crisis, na parang pelikula sa pinilakang-tabing. Parang may shooting sa harap ng Quirino Grandstand. Pinanood natin habang nagbabarilan ang suspek at mga pulis. Nag-aalala tayo sa nangyayari, pero deep inside natutuwa tayo sa ating napapanood. Hindi natin magawang patayin ang TV dahil hindi tayo ma-a-update sa kung ano na ang nagyayari. (Mike Bueza: guilty as charged.)
Pagkatapos mamatay ng hostage taker, hala sugod! Usisa! Walang police line eh! Wala ring pulis na mahigpit na nagpupumigil sa pagdagsa ng tao at media.
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I believe we all caused this hostage incident. Ang ating mga ugali ang dahilan ng hostage crisis na ito. Bawat pulis, bawat opisyal ng gobyerno, bawat miyembro ng media, bawat Pilipino, damay dito. We all had this coming, yet iba ang inuna natin: ang ating mga pansariling kapakanan.
Tama na sana ang pagde-deny. Natatakot maparusahan ng batas ang mga may pagkakamali, may mga kasalanan. Walang nananagot at umaako ng responsibilidad. Iiwasan ang bigat ng parusa sa bawat pagkakataon, hanggang sa magsawa ang otoridad at kalimutan na lang ang lahat.
Essentially, we are letting ourselves break the laws we passively approve — meaning, wala tayong panahong usisain ang bawat batas na ginagawa ng Kongreso. Dahil walang kumo-kontra, pasado ang batas. Parang wala na ring rule of law, kasi it’s interpreted in ways that the ones in power would benefit and be able to get out of their wrongdoings.
Sana eh magsimula na rin ang re-evaluation sa nangyaring insidente. Para malaman natin ang lapses ng bawat personalidad na involved, para malaman natin ang mga gagawin kung sakaling may ganito ulit na insidente. Hindi para malaman natin kung sinu-sino ang sisisihin. Let’s focus on the processes, please!